1801Examination 8:
1THE EXAMINATION.
2Number VIII.
3[New York, January 12, 1802]
4Resuming the subject of our last paper
5 we proceed to trace still farther,
6 the consequences that must result
7 from a too unqualified admission
8 of foreigners,
9 to an equal participation
10 in our civil, and political rights.
11The safety of a republic
12 depends essentially
13 on the energy
14 of a common National sentiment;
15 on a uniformity
16 of principles and habits;
17 on the exemption of the citizens
18 from foreign bias, and prejudice;
19 and on that love of country
20 which will almost invariably be found
21 to be closely connected
22 with birth, education and family.
23The opinion advanced
24 in the Notes on Virginia
25 is undoubtedly correct,
26 that foreigners will generally be apt
27 to bring with them attachments
28 to the persons they have left behind;
29 to the country of their nativity,
30 and to its particular customs
31 and manners.
32They will also entertain opinions
33 on government
34 congenial with those
35 under which they have lived;
36 or if they should be led hither
37 from a preference to ours,
38 how extremely unlikely is it
39 that they will bring with them
40 that temperate love of liberty,
41 so essential to real republicanism?
42There may,
43 as to particular individuals,
44 and at particular times,
45 be occasional exceptions
46 to these remarks,
47 yet such is the general rule.
48The influx of foreigners must, therefore,
49 tend to produce
50 a heterogeneous compound;
51 to change and corrupt
52 the national spirit;
53 to complicate and confound
54 public opinion;
55 to introduce foreign propensities.
56In the composition of society,
57 the harmony of the ingredients
58 is all-important,
59 and whatever tends
60 to a discordant intermixture
61 must have an injurious tendency.
62The United States have already felt
63 the evils of incorporating
64 a large number of foreigners
65 into their national mass;
66 by promoting in different classes
67 different predilections
68 in favor of particular foreign nations,
69 and antipathies against others,
70 it has served very much
71 to divide the community
72 and to distract our councils.
73It has been often likely
74 to compromit the interests
75 of our own country
76 in favor of another.
77The permanent effect of such a policy
78 will be,
79 that in times of great public danger
80 there will be always
81 a numerous body of men,
82 of whom there may be
83 just grounds of distrust;
84 the suspicion alone
85 will weaken the strength
86 of the nation,
87 but their force may be actually employed
88 in assisting an invader.
89In the infancy of the country,
90 with a boundless waste to people,
91 it was politic
92 to give a facility to naturalization;
93 but our situation is now changed.
94It appears from the last census,
95 that we have increased
96 about one-third in ten years;
97 after allowing
98 for what we have gained from abroad,
99 it will be quite apparent
100 that the natural progress
101 of our own population
102 is sufficiently rapid
103 for strength, security, and settlement.
104By what has been said,
105 it is not meant to contend
106 for a total prohibition
107 of the right of citizenship
108 to strangers,
109 nor even for the very long residence
110 which is now a prerequisite
111 to naturalization,
112 and which of itself
113 goes far towards a denial
114 of that privilege.
115The present law
116 was merely a temporary measure
117 adopted under peculiar circumstances,
118 and perhaps demands revision.
119But there is a wide difference
120 between closing the door altogether
121 and throwing it entirely open;
122 between a postponement of fourteen years,
123 and an immediate admission
124 to all the rights of citizenship.
125Some reasonable term
126 ought to be allowed
127 to enable aliens
128 to get rid of foreign
129 and acquire American attachments;
130 to learn the principles
131 and imbibe the spirit
132 of our government;
133 and to admit of a probability at least,
134 of their feeling a real interest
135 in our affairs.
136A residence of at least five years
137 ought to be required.
138If the rights of naturalization
139 may be communicated by parts,
140 and it is not perceived why they may not,
141 those peculiar
142 to the conducting of business
143 and the acquisition of property,
144 might with propriety
145 be at once conferred,
146 upon receiving proof,
147 by certain prescribed solemnities,
148 of their intention
149 to become citizens;
150 postponing all political privileges
151 to the ultimate term.
152To admit foreigners indiscriminately
153 to the rights of citizens,
154 the moment they put foot
155 in our country,
156 as recommended in the Message,
157 would be nothing less,
158 than to admit the Grecian Horse
159 into the Citadel
160 of our Liberty and Sovereignty.
161Lucius Crassus.
162New-York Evening Post, January 12, 1802.