11787 Federalist No. 58
2Objection That The Number of Members
3Will Not Be Augmented as the Progress
4of Population Demands Considered
5MADISON
6To the People of the State of New York:
7THE remaining charge against the House of Representatives,
8 which I am to examine,
9 is grounded on a supposition
10 that the number of members
11 will not be augmented from time to time,
12 as the progress of population may demand.
13It has been admitted,
14 that this objection, if well supported,
15 would have great weight.
16The following observations will show that,
17 like most other objections against the Constitution,
18 it can only proceed from a partial view of the subject,
19 or from a jealousy which discolors and disfigures
20 every object which is beheld.
211.
22Those who urge the objection seem not to have recollected
23 that the federal Constitution will not suffer
24 by a comparison with the State constitutions,
25 in the security provided
26 for a gradual augmentation
27 of the number of representatives.
28The number which is to prevail in the first instance
29 is declared to be temporary.
30Its duration is limited to the short term of three years.
31Within every successive term of ten years
32 a census of inhabitants is to be repeated.
33The unequivocal objects of these regulations are,
34 first, to readjust, from time to time,
35 the apportionment of representatives
36 to the number of inhabitants,
37 under the single exception
38 that each State shall have
39 one representative at least;
40 secondly, to augment the number of representatives
41 at the same periods,
42 under the sole limitation
43 that the whole number shall not exceed
44 one for every thirty thousand inhabitants.
45If we review the constitutions of the several States,
46 we shall find that some of them contain
47 no determinate regulations on this subject,
48 that others correspond pretty much on this point
49 with the federal Constitution,
50 and that the most effectual security in any of them
51 is resolvable into a mere directory provision.
522.
53As far as experience has taken place on this subject,
54 a gradual increase of representatives
55 under the State constitutions
56 has at least kept pace
57 with that of the constituents,
58 and it appears that the former have been as ready
59 to concur in such measures
60 as the latter have been to call for them.
613.
62There is a peculiarity in the federal Constitution
63 which insures a watchful attention
64 in a majority both of the people
65 and of their representatives
66 to a constitutional augmentation of the latter.
67The peculiarity lies in this,
68 that one branch of the legislature
69 is a representation of citizens,
70 the other of the States:
71 in the former, consequently,
72 the larger States will have most weight;
73 in the latter, the advantage
74 will be in favor of the smaller States.
75From this circumstance it may with certainty be inferred
76 that the larger States will be strenuous advocates
77 for increasing the number and weight
78 of that part of the legislature
79 in which their influence predominates.
80And it so happens
81 that four only of the largest
82 will have a majority of the whole votes
83 in the House of Representatives.
84Should the representatives or people, therefore,
85 of the smaller States oppose at any time
86 a reasonable addition of members,
87 a coalition of a very few States
88 will be sufficient to overrule the opposition;
89 a coalition which,
90 notwithstanding the rivalship and local prejudices
91 which might prevent it on ordinary occasions,
92 would not fail to take place,
93 when not merely prompted by common interest,
94 but justified by equity
95 and the principles of the Constitution.
96It may be alleged, perhaps,
97 that the Senate would be prompted by like motives
98 to an adverse coalition;
99 and as their concurrence would be indispensable,
100 the just and constitutional views
101 of the other branch might be defeated.
102This is the difficulty
103 which has probably created
104 the most serious apprehensions
105 in the jealous friends
106 of a numerous representation.
107Fortunately it is among the difficulties which,
108 existing only in appearance,
109 vanish on a close and accurate inspection.
110The following reflections will, if I mistake not,
111 be admitted to be conclusive and satisfactory
112 on this point.
113Notwithstanding the equal authority
114 which will subsist between the two houses
115 on all legislative subjects,
116 except the originating of money bills,
117 it cannot be doubted
118 that the House,
119 composed of the greater number of members,
120 when supported by the more powerful States,
121 and speaking the known and determined sense
122 of a majority of the people,
123 will have no small advantage
124 in a question depending
125 on the comparative firmness of the two houses.
126This advantage must be increased
127 by the consciousness, felt by the same side
128 of being supported in its demands
129 by right, by reason, and by the Constitution;
130 and the consciousness, on the opposite side,
131 of contending against the force
132 of all these solemn considerations.
133It is farther to be considered,
134 that in the gradation between the smallest
135 and largest States,
136 there are several,
137 which, though most likely in general
138 to arrange themselves among the former
139 are too little removed in extent and population
140 from the latter,
141 to second an opposition
142 to their just and legitimate pretensions.
143Hence it is by no means certain
144 that a majority of votes, even in the Senate,
145 would be unfriendly to proper augmentations
146 in the number of representatives.
147It will not be looking too far to add,
148 that the senators from all the new States
149 may be gained over to the just views
150 of the House of Representatives,
151 by an expedient too obvious to be overlooked.
152As these States will, for a great length of time,
153 advance in population with peculiar rapidity,
154 they will be interested in frequent reapportionments
155 of the representatives
156 to the number of inhabitants.
157The large States, therefore,
158 who will prevail in the House of Representatives,
159 will have nothing to do
160 but to make reapportionments and augmentations
161 mutually conditions of each other;
162 and the senators from all the most growing States
163 will be bound to contend for the latter,
164 by the interest which their States
165 will feel in the former.
166These considerations seem to afford ample security
167 on this subject,
168 and ought alone to satisfy all the doubts and fears
169 which have been indulged with regard to it.
170Admitting, however,
171 that they should all be insufficient
172 to subdue the unjust policy of the smaller States,
173 or their predominant influence
174 in the councils of the Senate,
175 a constitutional and infallible resource still remains
176 with the larger States,
177 by which they will be able at all times
178 to accomplish their just purposes.
179The House of Representatives cannot only refuse,
180 but they alone can propose,
181 the supplies requisite
182 for the support of government.
183They, in a word, hold the purse
184 that powerful instrument
185 by which we behold,
186 in the history of the British Constitution,
187 an infant and humble representation of the people
188 gradually enlarging the sphere
189 of its activity and importance,
190 and finally reducing,
191 as far as it seems to have wished,
192 all the overgrown prerogatives
193 of the other branches of the government.
194This power over the purse may, in fact,
195 be regarded as the most complete and effectual weapon
196 with which any constitution can arm
197 the immediate representatives of the people,
198 for obtaining a redress of every grievance,
199 and for carrying into effect
200 every just and salutary measure.
201But will not the House of Representatives
202 be as much interested as the Senate
203 in maintaining the government
204 in its proper functions,
205 and will they not therefore be unwilling
206 to stake its existence or its reputation
207 on the pliancy of the Senate?
208Or, if such a trial of firmness
209 between the two branches were hazarded,
210 would not the one be as likely first to yield
211 as the other?
212These questions will create no difficulty
213 with those who reflect
214 that in all cases the smaller the number,
215 and the more permanent and conspicuous the station,
216 of men in power,
217 the stronger must be the interest
218 which they will individually feel
219 in whatever concerns the government.
220Those who represent the dignity of their country
221 in the eyes of other nations,
222 will be particularly sensible
223 to every prospect of public danger,
224 or of dishonorable stagnation in public affairs.
225To those causes we are to ascribe
226 the continual triumph of the British House of Commons
227 over the other branches of the government,
228 whenever the engine of a money bill
229 has been employed.
230An absolute inflexibility on the side of the latter,
231 although it could not have failed
232 to involve every department of the state
233 in the general confusion,
234 has neither been apprehended nor experienced.
235The utmost degree of firmness
236 that can be displayed
237 by the federal Senate or President,
238 will not be more than equal to a resistance
239 in which they will be supported
240 by constitutional and patriotic principles.
241In this review of the Constitution
242 of the House of Representatives,
243 I have passed over the circumstances of economy,
244 which, in the present state of affairs,
245 might have had some effect
246 in lessening the temporary
247 number of representatives,
248 and a disregard of which would probably have been
249 as rich a theme of declamation
250 against the Constitution
251 as has been shown
252 by the smallness of the number proposed.
253I omit also any remarks
254 on the difficulty which might be found,
255 under present circumstances,
256 in engaging in the federal service
257 a large number of such characters
258 as the people will probably elect.
259One observation, however, I must be permitted to add
260 on this subject as claiming, in my judgment,
261 a very serious attention.
262It is, that in all legislative assemblies
263 the greater the number composing them may be,
264 the fewer will be the men
265 who will in fact direct their proceedings.
266In the first place,
267 the more numerous an assembly may be,
268 of whatever characters composed,
269 the greater is known to be the ascendency
270 of passion over reason.
271In the next place, the larger the number,
272 the greater will be the proportion of members
273 of limited information and of weak capacities.
274Now, it is precisely on characters of this description
275 that the eloquence and address of the few
276 are known to act with all their force.
277In the ancient republics,
278 where the whole body of the people assembled in person,
279 a single orator, or an artful statesman,
280 was generally seen to rule
281 with as complete a sway
282 as if a sceptre had been placed in his single hand.
283On the same principle,
284 the more multitudinous a representative assembly
285 may be rendered,
286 the more it will partake of the infirmities
287 incident to collective meetings of the people.
288Ignorance will be the dupe of cunning,
289 and passion the slave of sophistry and declamation.
290The people can never err more
291 than in supposing that by multiplying
292 their representatives
293 beyond a certain limit,
294 they strengthen the barrier
295 against the government of a few.
296Experience will forever admonish them
297 that, on the contrary,
298 AFTER SECURING A SUFFICIENT NUMBER
299 FOR THE PURPOSES OF SAFETY,
300 OF LOCAL INFORMATION,
301 AND OF DIFFUSIVE SYMPATHY WITH THE WHOLE SOCIETY,
302 they will counteract their own views
303 by every addition to their representatives.
304The countenance of the government
305 may become more democratic,
306 but the soul that animates it will be more oligarchic.
307The machine will be enlarged,
308 but the fewer, and often the more secret,
309 will be the springs
310 by which its motions are directed.
311As connected with the objection
312 against the number of representatives,
313 may properly be here noticed,
314 that which has been suggested
315 against the number made competent
316 for legislative business.
317It has been said
318 that more than a majority ought to have been required
319 for a quorum;
320 and in particular cases, if not in all,
321 more than a majority of a quorum for a decision.
322That some advantages might have resulted
323 from such a precaution, cannot be denied.
324It might have been an additional shield
325 to some particular interests,
326 and another obstacle generally
327 to hasty and partial measures.
328But these considerations are outweighed
329 by the inconveniences in the opposite scale.
330In all cases where justice or the general good
331 might require new laws to be passed,
332 or active measures to be pursued,
333 the fundamental principle of free government
334 would be reversed.
335It would be no longer the majority that would rule:
336 the power would be transferred to the minority.
337Were the defensive privilege limited to particular cases,
338 an interested minority might take advantage of it
339 to screen themselves from equitable sacrifices
340 to the general weal,
341 or, in particular emergencies,
342 to extort unreasonable indulgences.
343Lastly, it would facilitate and foster
344 the baneful practice of secessions;
345 a practice which has shown itself even in States
346 where a majority only is required;
347 a practice subversive of all the principles
348 of order and regular government;
349 a practice which leads more directly
350 to public convulsions,
351 and the ruin of popular governments,
352 than any other which has yet been displayed
353 among us.
354PUBLIUS.