11787 Federalist No. 56
2The Same Subject Continued
3(The Total Number
4of the House of Representatives)
5From the New York Packet.
6Tuesday, February 19, 1788.
7HAMILTON OR MADISON
8To the People of the State of New York:
9THE SECOND charge against the House of Representatives
10 is, that it will be too small
11 to possess a due knowledge
12 of the interests of its constituents.
13As this objection evidently proceeds
14 from a comparison of the proposed number
15 of representatives
16 with the great extent of the United States,
17 the number of their inhabitants,
18 and the diversity of their interests,
19 without taking into view at the same time
20 the circumstances which will distinguish
21 the Congress from other legislative bodies,
22 the best answer that can be given to it
23 will be a brief explanation of these peculiarities.
24It is a sound and important principle
25 that the representative ought to be acquainted
26 with the interests and circumstances
27 of his constituents.
28But this principle can extend no further
29 than to those circumstances and interests
30 to which the authority and care
31 of the representative relate.
32An ignorance of a variety
33 of minute and particular objects,
34 which do not lie within the compass of legislation,
35 is consistent with every attribute necessary
36 to a due performance of the legislative trust.
37In determining the extent of information required
38 in the exercise of a particular authority,
39 recourse then must be had
40 to the objects within the purview
41 of that authority.
42What are to be the objects of federal legislation?
43Those which are of most importance,
44 and which seem most to require local knowledge,
45 are commerce, taxation, and the militia.
46A proper regulation of commerce
47 requires much information,
48 as has been elsewhere remarked;
49 but as far as this information relates
50 to the laws and local situation
51 of each individual State,
52 a very few representatives
53 would be very sufficient vehicles of it
54 to the federal councils.
55Taxation will consist, in a great measure,
56 of duties which will be involved
57 in the regulation of commerce.
58So far the preceding remark
59 is applicable to this object.
60As far as it may consist of internal collections,
61 a more diffusive knowledge
62 of the circumstances of the State
63 may be necessary.
64But will not this also be possessed
65 in sufficient degree by a very few intelligent men,
66 diffusively elected within the State?
67Divide the largest State into ten or twelve districts,
68 and it will be found
69 that there will be no peculiar local interests
70 in either,
71 which will not be within the knowledge
72 of the representative of the district.
73Besides this source of information,
74 the laws of the State,
75 framed by representatives from every part of it,
76 will be almost of themselves a sufficient guide.
77In every State there have been made,
78 and must continue to be made,
79 regulations on this subject
80 which will, in many cases,
81 leave little more to be done
82 by the federal legislature,
83 than to review the different laws,
84 and reduce them in one general act.
85A skillful individual in his closet
86 with all the local codes before him,
87 might compile a law on some subjects of taxation
88 for the whole union,
89 without any aid from oral information,
90 and it may be expected
91 that whenever internal taxes may be necessary,
92 and particularly in cases requiring uniformity
93 throughout the States,
94 the more simple objects will be preferred.
95To be fully sensible of the facility
96 which will be given to this branch
97 of federal legislation
98 by the assistance of the State codes,
99 we need only suppose for a moment
100 that this or any other State
101 were divided into a number of parts,
102 each having and exercising within itself
103 a power of local legislation.
104Is it not evident
105 that a degree of local information
106 and preparatory labor
107 would be found in the several volumes
108 of their proceedings,
109 which would very much shorten the labors
110 of the general legislature,
111 and render a much smaller number of members
112 sufficient for it?
113The federal councils will derive great advantage
114 from another circumstance.
115The representatives of each State
116 will not only bring with them
117 a considerable knowledge of its laws,
118 and a local knowledge
119 of their respective districts,
120 but will probably in all cases have been members,
121 and may even at the very time be members,
122 of the State legislature,
123 where all the local information and interests
124 of the State are assembled,
125 and from whence they may easily be conveyed
126 by a very few hands
127 into the legislature of the United States.
128The observations made on the subject of taxation
129 apply with greater force to the case of the militia.
130For however different the rules of discipline
131 may be in different States,
132 they are the same throughout each particular State;
133 and depend on circumstances
134 which can differ but little
135 in different parts of the same State.
136The attentive reader will discern
137 that the reasoning here used,
138 to prove the sufficiency
139 of a moderate number of representatives,
140 does not in any respect contradict
141 what was urged on another occasion
142 with regard to the extensive information
143 which the representatives ought to possess,
144 and the time that might be necessary
145 for acquiring it.
146This information, so far as it may relate
147 to local objects,
148 is rendered necessary and difficult,
149 not by a difference of laws
150 and local circumstances within a single State,
151 but of those among different States.
152Taking each State by itself,
153 its laws are the same,
154 and its interests but little diversified.
155A few men, therefore, will possess
156 all the knowledge requisite
157 for a proper representation of them.
158Were the interests and affairs
159 of each individual State perfectly simple and uniform,
160 a knowledge of them in one part
161 would involve a knowledge of them in every other,
162 and the whole State might be competently represented
163 by a single member taken from any part of it.
164On a comparison of the different States together,
165 we find a great dissimilarity in their laws,
166 and in many other circumstances
167 connected with the objects of federal legislation,
168 with all of which the federal representatives
169 ought to have some acquaintance.
170Whilst a few representatives, therefore,
171 from each State,
172 may bring with them a due knowledge of their own State,
173 every representative will have much
174 information to acquire
175 concerning all the other States.
176The changes of time, as was formerly remarked,
177 on the comparative situation of the different States,
178 will have an assimilating effect.
179The effect of time on the internal affairs of the States,
180 taken singly, will be just the contrary.
181At present some of the States
182 are little more than a society of husbandmen.
183Few of them have made much progress
184 in those branches of industry
185 which give a variety and complexity
186 to the affairs of a nation.
187These, however, will in all of them
188 be the fruits of a more advanced population,
189 and will require, on the part of each State,
190 a fuller representation.
191The foresight of the convention
192 has accordingly taken care
193 that the progress of population
194 may be accompanied with a proper increase
195 of the representative branch of the government.
196The experience of Great Britain,
197 which presents to mankind so many political lessons,
198 both of the monitory and exemplary kind,
199 and which has been frequently consulted
200 in the course of these inquiries,
201 corroborates the result of the reflections
202 which we have just made.
203The number of inhabitants
204 in the two kingdoms of England and Scotland
205 cannot be stated at less than eight millions.
206The representatives of these eight millions
207 in the House of Commons
208 amount to five hundred and fifty-eight.
209Of this number, one ninth are elected
210 by three hundred and sixty-four persons,
211 and one half,
212 by five thousand seven hundred and twenty-three
213 persons. 1
214It cannot be supposed that the half thus elected,
215 and who do not even reside among the people at large,
216 can add any thing either
217 to the security of the people
218 against the government,
219 or to the knowledge of their circumstances
220 and interests in the legislative councils.
221On the contrary, it is notorious,
222 that they are more frequently
223 the representatives and instruments
224 of the executive magistrate,
225 than the guardians and advocates
226 of the popular rights.
227They might therefore, with great propriety,
228 be considered as something more
229 than a mere deduction
230 from the real representatives of the nation.
231We will, however, consider them in this light alone,
232 and will not extend the deduction
233 to a considerable number of others,
234 who do not reside among their constitutents,
235 are very faintly connected with them,
236 and have very little particular knowledge
237 of their affairs.
238With all these concessions,
239 two hundred and seventy-nine persons only
240 will be the depository of the safety, interest,
241 and happiness of eight millions
242 that is to say,
243 there will be one representative only
244 to maintain the rights and explain the situation
245 OF TWENTY-EIGHT THOUSAND
246 SIX HUNDRED AND SEVENTY constitutents,
247 in an assembly exposed
248 to the whole force of executive influence,
249 and extending its authority
250 to every object of legislation
251 within a nation whose affairs
252 are in the highest degree diversified
253 and complicated.
254Yet it is very certain,
255 not only that a valuable portion of freedom
256 has been preserved under all these circumstances,
257 but that the defects in the British code
258 are chargeable, in a very small proportion,
259 on the ignorance of the legislature
260 concerning the circumstances of the people.
261Allowing to this case the weight which is due to it,
262 and comparing it with that
263 of the House of Representatives
264 as above explained
265 it seems to give the fullest assurance,
266 that a representative
267 for every THIRTY THOUSAND INHABITANTS
268 will render the latter
269 both a safe and competent guardian
270 of the interests which will be confided to it.
271PUBLIUS.
2721 Burgh's "Political Disquisitions."